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At last, negotiators in Sharm El-Sheikh have agreed an end to this period of the most horrific bloodshed in the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict since 1948. Albeit it will only be a long haul toward a return to normality. Yet aside from indulging in some cautious optimism, it is perhaps also time for some initial reflection within both societies. How did they get into such a catastrophic nightmare?
Benjamin Netanyahu’s recent triumphalist speeches and statements, often utterly contradictory, are the legacy of his long, much too long, time as Israeli prime minister. It is a legacy that will take years to overcome and rectify, not only for the Palestinians and others in the region, but also for Israel and its own people. Netanyahu’s premiership is not over yet but is nearing its end; it is just a matter of time, and how much more damage he is prepared to inflict on everything and everyone within his orbit, until he exits the political stage for good.
If anything should have hastened the end of his career, it was the utter failure to anticipate and prevent the Hamas-led attack on Oct. 7, 2023, and his reported paralysis for the first few days that followed it as he realized that the greatest security failure in Israel’s history had taken place on his watch. But neither he nor his lieutenants in this worst-ever government in Israeli history have been of a mind even to acknowledge their colossal failure, never mind apologize for it, do the decent thing by resigning, and subject themselves to the judgment of the people by calling a general election and establishing an independent inquiry into Oct. 7.
At no previous point in Israel’s history has the nation been so internally divided and so internationally isolated, as it stands accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity. It will take more than a single general election to rectify the damage caused by the increasingly reckless actions of this sixth Netanyahu government. It began its term in office by legitimizing the most abhorrent elements in Israeli politics, the ultranationalist-messianic groupings, resulting in an unabated attack on the very foundations of Israeli democracy. Moreover, to appease the settler elements in his government, the prime minister allowed settlements to expand and settler violence to run rampant with impunity.
This government has left Israeli society divided, battling not external enemies but those who are trying to destroy the soul of the country from within. It has also delivered to Israel’s enemies a message of weakness, mixed with no hope for ending the occupation of Palestinian land, which proved to be a lethal combination.
The events of Oct. 7 were horrific and inexcusable but they cannot justify, in any shape or form, Israel’s appalling response. Great leaders bring out the best in their societies and make them better places to live. Populist leaders of Netanyahu’s breed exploit the weaknesses, fears, and prejudice among their own people to create the worst possible version of their societies, thereby allowing them to control the narrative even as, in the case of the Israeli prime minister, the narrative keeps changing to suit personal needs.
Unsurprisingly, the attack by Hamas traumatized Israelis, and some kind of response to it was inevitable and justified. But nothing can justify the nature of a response that has left more than 67,000 people dead, most of them civilians and many of them children, and a territory of scorched earth, razed to the ground. The war in Gaza has raged for two years, not out of any strategic considerations but to ensure Netanyahu’s political survival and prevent his corruption trial from concluding. In pursuit of this goal he has been prepared to prolong the war indefinitely, sacrificing the hostages and his soldiers, and ensuring that the self-proclaimed notion of the Israeli military the “most moral army in the world” rings more hollow than ever.
When the war comes to an end, the question for Israelis will be how they will climb out of the deep, dark abyss.
Yossi Mekelberg
This has all been said many times before, but when the war comes to an end, the question for Israelis will be how they will climb out of the deep, dark abyss. There is no magic formula for this, but part of the necessary soul searching must be to admit that there are trends within Israeli society that have weakened it as a liberal democracy, and that there has always been a tension, though not one that could not be resolved, between the concepts of being Jewish and being democratic.
The occupation of Palestinian land and depriving its people of their political and human rights has not yet eroded the idea of what Israel aspires to be. But the occupation and the daily oppression of Palestinians has led to the country being held captive by a small group of settlers: messianic, delusional extremists with autocratic tendencies who believe the answer to all security challenges lies in the use of force and force alone. The resultant conditions of constant insecurity have been exploited by a populist-opportunistic leader who has presented himself as a savior.
As an initial part of the healing and reflection process, a state inquiry into the failures of Oct. 7 must be established. It must have the power to investigate all aspects of the events leading up to that disastrous day, and everything that followed, including all ministerial decisions. It must not tolerate any cover ups. Only when this groundwork allows the truth to emerge can Israel also begin to start asking itself how it allowed a government of extremists and incompetents to lead it into a war that was more about revenge and the political survival of a ruling coalition, than ensuring the failures of Oct. 7 can never happen again.
Whatever the events that led up to that day, they cannot serve even as a pretext, let alone an excuse, for the massacre that took place that morning. But equally, the events of that day can never serve as an excuse for what the Israeli military subsequently did in Gaza: the killings, the destruction, the multiple displacements, and the deliberately inflicted famine.
As traumatic as Oct. 7 was, the Israeli loss of empathy for the plight of civilians in Gaza necessitates profound soul-searching. Instead of blaming the entire population of the territory for being complicit in the terrible events of that day, Israelis need to ask themselves this: How did their own country, which previously enjoyed heartfelt support from so many governments and ordinary people across the world, come to stretch the patience of its friends and allies to the very limit?
Times of deep crisis also present opportunities. In this case, it could be a chance to define, or maybe redefine, what kind of country Israel wants to be. Does it wish to be one that lives eternally by the sword, as Netanyahu and his messianic partners would prefer, and continues to violate the rights of other people on an industrial scale? Or one that is prepared to embark on a genuine, if extremely difficult, path toward peace and reconciliation that will ultimately result in coexistence as equals?
Peace with the Palestinians is not a matter of doing them a favor. It is not only a moral imperative, it is also in the best interests of Israel itself. Putting more than 100 years of conflict and bloodshed behind them will enable both societies to define who they are and what their destiny should be. These are questions that for far too long have been mainly defined by conflict and bloodshed.
- Yossi Mekelberg is professor of international relations and an associate fellow of the MENA Program at Chatham House. X: @YMekelberg